From The Mirror

(The punctuation and spelling are as they appeared in the original document.)

September 11, 1879

FRED. DOUGLAS IN LOUDOUN—HE ADRESSES 2,000 PEOPLE AT PURSELLVILLE.
   The announcement previously made that FRED DOUGLAS, Marshal of the District of Columbia, would address the colored people of Loudoun, in the woods near Pursellville, on Thursday last, attracted thither quite a large crowd, numbering we suppose not less than 1,500 negroes and some 300 or 400 whites.

A stand and seats had been erected in the woods, and at half past twelve, the meeting was called to order by a colored man and the proceedings opened with prayer by Rev. BRYANT BROWN, colored, of Middleburg, after which

DOUGLAS WAS INTRODUCED,

and spoke for two hours. Everybody has heard of FRED DOUGLAS, a negro man, formerly the property of Capt. Anthony, of Easton, Maryland. How he ran away from his master in 1838, went North, and by perseverance and industry, succeeded not only in accumulating a comfortable competency, of this worlds goods, but also, in educating himself—becoming a leader in the ranks of the Republican or anti-slavery party, until, under the administration of President Hayes, he was appointed to one of the most lucrative and honorable positions within the gift of the Executive. Of course we shall attempt no full or accurate account of his speech on the occasion alluded to, but merely give our readers a few of his thoughts, that they may form their own conclusions as to what

MANNER OF MAN HE IS.

Douglas, we should suppose is between 65 and 70 years of age. He is a portly, well-developed specimen of his race, and much more than ordinarily intelligent. He began his speech by expressing the embarrassment he experienced in standing before a mixed audience on the soil of Virginia. He came to offer his advice to the people, and while he had some things to say that would be appropriate to one class of his hearers, they might not be so to the other. He would, however, address himself to both races, feeling that he had a right to do so, because he was the representative of both, having in his veins as much of

THE BLOOD OF ONE AS THE OTHER,

and he appealed to both to give him an impartial hearing, and if he uttered anything that either might wish he had not said, to at least accord him credit for honesty of intention, as he had no purpose to say one word that could wound the feeling of a solitary human being.
   He referred to the days gone by, when the white men were not only the owner of the soil, but of the bone and sinew of the negro, from the traffic in which, in 1837, Virginia realized $18,000,000. But he was not going to reproach them for the past—both races had been the victims of a false policy. The negro was not revengeful, and bore no malice toward his former owners, but only asked now, that the conduct of one toward the other, be shaped in accordance with the changed order of things, and when the true relations between the races were fully established, and each observed toward the other the laws of justice and humanity, the South would become as great and prosperous as the North; and there was no reason why she should not. He alluded to the

“GOOD OLD TIMES” OF SLAVERY,

which he said were not altogether made up of “paddles” and cat-o-nine tails. They had their seasons of joy and merry-making, when the negro looked forward with rapture to Whitsontide, Easter, and especially to Christmas, when he reveled in sweet-potatoes, cider and slavery. He touchingly alluded to the ties of friendship that existed between the races in those days, when Mass Bob, and Jim, had nursed at the breast of a colored “mamma.” But notwithstanding all that, it was a devilish system, and he was glad it was gone.

   He said that the late war and the consequent abolition of slavery, was not the result of the teachings of Garrison, Calhoun, Phillips, nor none of that class of agitators. It was brought about simply by the logic of events. When the war began, neither the heads of the department at Washington, the Generals of the federal armies, nor the soldiers in the ranks were moved by any regard for the negro, and in support of his assertion cited the orders of McClellan, Ben. Butler, etc. forbidding slaves to take refuge within the lines of their armies; and also to the report made to the Court of St. James [England] by Seward in which he declared that however the war might end, the status of no State was to be changed; and that if the Northern soldiers, when they first invaded the soil of Virginia, could have seen the end from the beginning, and realized that their victory was to free the negro and place in his hands the ballot, they would have thrown down their muskets and their knapsacks, and gone home. That it was not until the federal armies had become depleted, and northern homes were made houses of mourning because of the loss of their fathers, sons and brothers, that a change was wrought, and they cried aloud, “help, negro, or I sink.” That through affliction God revealed to them that if they would be successful, they must break the chain of slavery. And, said the speaker, whoever had first struck the blow in that direction would have been the victor. Gen. Lee was ready for it—and had the Southern authorities sustained him, and said to the negro, fight on our side and freedom is yours, there would today, have been

A SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY.

He thought, however, that it was well they didn’t see it. At all events, he for one was glad they had not.

He advised the white people, in their dealings with the negro, to bear in mind their changed relations; that as while in a state of slavery it was perhaps proper that they should have been held in ignorance; now that they are free men and voters in this great Republic, they should endeavor to aid them in cultivating their minds, that they might thus become better citizens. That while State Rights might have been necessary at one time, the safety of the people now was in a strong government. He acknowledged the greatness of a State, but thought the U.S. was greater. That there was no danger of centralization so long as the people held the ballot, with which to remove unworthy rulers.[This was dangerous doctrine, and its fallacy was exposed at the last Presidential election. The people declared for a change of rulers, but their will was set at defiance by those holding the power of the Federal Government, and a man not chosen by the States occupies the Presidential Chair, and to him Mr. Douglas is indebted for the fat office he holds to day. That may account for his love of “strong government.”] After some further remarks, addressed more particularly to the white people, the speaker turned to

THE COLORED POPULATION

and gave them some excellent advice. He asked them whether, as freemen, they are doing as well for themselves as they did for their masters when they were slaves—did they rise as early in the morning as when old master blew the horn, and do as many days' work in the year as then? If not, their liberty was a failure. He reminded them that whatever they might be naturally—and he believed, with the Declaration of Independence, that all men were born equal—practically they were inferior to the white man; and whatever they might become they were not yet his equal. —That the white man had already piled up for himself centuries of civilization, refinement and culture, while the negro had just started in the race of moral improvement—and if they would enjoy the blessings of freemen, they must live soberly, honestly and truthfully—They must waste no time—buy nothing that they could do without—and quit running off on every excursion that was gotten up. He also urged them to marry and cultivate a higher regard for the sanctity of family relations—that the pride of family name was one of the strongest incentives to virtuous living. He said once they had no family name—that when he was a slave they used to call him Capt. Anthony’s Fred, and illustrated what he meant by relating an incident that he said occurred during the ministry of the late GEORGE ROSZELL, whom he knew well and had often heard preach. He said that on a certain occasion, at the close of services at the church, a baptizing of children took place, and after all the white babies had been attended to, a colored woman approached with her sable offspring in her arms, and requested that the sacrament of baptism be administered. “Certainly,” said Roszell, “what is its name?” “John Wesley,” answered the proud mother. “John Wesley, a negro has no business to be called John Wesley,” said the preacher, and immediately proceeded—“In the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost, I BAPTIZE THEE POMPEY.” But, said Douglas, you have family names now, and you ought to be proud of them, and seek to perpetuate them. Work hard, be economical, and secure an interest in the soil. There must be no communistic feeling—no conflict between capital and labor; one is dependent on the other—the white man has the money and the brain and you have got the muscle, and you must use it, and thus accumulate property, and become respected, and unless you do that, you can be of little account to society. When you make a bargain stick to it; if you contract a debt, pay it, and pay it at the time you promise. —In a word, cultivate all the virtues of the white man and shun his vices. The speaker, in quite an amusing way, admonished his colored brethren against appropriating to themselves that which didn’t belong to them. He said when he was a slave, although a good christian, he thought it no harm to take a goose or a turkey or a chicken belonging to his master, and eating it for his dinner, because that was merely a transfer of property—the master’s goose, simply going to strengthen master’s muscle—but all that was changed now, and he abjured them that if any of them had contracted that habit to abandon it at once. Taken all together the speech was a fair one—and was listened to with unusual attention by all present—it was, as the speaker said he intended it should be, free from anything particularly offensive—and the impression he made was favorable, and his advice good. It was just forty-one years ago that day, he said, since he ran away from his old master.

   Mr. Douglas was accompanied by _______ GREENER, colored, Prof. of Law in Howard University, Washington.   He made a short speech in the afternoon. He is fluent, well-educated, and in appearance nearly white.—He held that the negro, naturally, was the equal of any race, and in a fair field would hold his own, but if he had the power, he would not allow a negro to vote or be voted for, or hold any office, for the next twenty years. He would keep him during that time buckled down to the soil. He would do it for his own good, because in those years he would probably become the owner of the soil, and it was well established that the owners of the property of a country are pretty generally the rulers of the country.